Showing posts with label Lyonese Rite. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lyonese Rite. Show all posts

Monday, August 21, 2017

Neo-Gallican Antidoron

Marko has directed some interest in our series on the Lyonese liturgy over here from NLM, for which we are grateful. It reminded me to post this remarkable snapshot of French parish life as it would have been before the 20th century.


This image, La bénédiction du pain by Francoise Archange, portrays the end of a Sunday Mass in the neo-Gallican rites. A first communicant holds bread to be blessed after Mass, similarly to how the remainder of the prosphora is divided for consumption after the Divine Liturgy in the Greek Churches.

The Mass is a Missa Cantata, which was quite rare before the 1960s; the Roman rite was normatively practiced as a solemn Mass with minimalist variations such as spoken or sung low Mass when three ministers were unavailable (I believe Missa cantata was never legal in the diocese of Rome, at least as of Fortescue's time). The French rites permitted local adaptations to maximize the resources of a parish, which in this case included three young boys (one looks bored) singing with three coped rulers of the choir, one of which is singing the antiphon accompanying the blessing of the bread from medio choro, the same place where the Epistle and Gospel were proclaimed in the pre-Tridentine Roman rite and where they continued to be proclaimed in the French rites.

Within the church the full span of local society sits according to rank and order. A nun teaches catechism in the Marian chapel, which houses an image of Saint Jerome in prayer. The women make their thanksgiving after the Mass. The men in the choir are likely officials such as the mayor or magistrates, which was the custom before the 20th century; all society presented itself before the Church, according to rank and duty.

This was the sort of parochial Catholicism Quintin Montgomery-Wright sustained at Le Chamblac over the course of four decades. Montgomery-Wright's parish, as well as the diocese of Campos in Brazil, are interesting experiments in what might have been if the liturgical revolution had not transpired, but Le Chamblac was also blessed with a pastor who kept a Catholic spirit alive in town which, while foppish, was not out of place or [entirely] affected. As much as the Church needs a liturgical restoration, of one kind or another, it needs a re-invigoration of parish life in the modern day, one that is genuine and humbles the world before the Church rather than one which invents lay "ministries" for old ladies in pant-suits. The old French world is gone, but there is much we can learn from it today.

Sunday, October 12, 2014

Rite of Lyon in Pictures

From 1993, a celebration by the FSSP in Lyon in the presence of the Primate Archbishop, Albert Cardinal Decourtray.

Reverencing the Primate after the prayers before the altar


The subdeacon brings the pax brede to the Primate during the preparation for
Communion. Most non-Roman rites used the pax brede to spread the pax during Mass.
A rubric does exist for a bishop celebrating a non-Pontifical High Mass to use
the brede.

The gifts are covered by the corporal, not a pall or chalice veil. This was common during
the Middle Ages in northern Europe.

Incensing the clergy, Byzantine style with full use of the chain. The Rad Trad
knew a Roman M.C. who did this, too.
 
The subdeacon carries the paten with his maniple during the Patern noster, an interesting variation
 
The ablutions

source: www.fsspwigratzbad.blogspot.com

Monday, October 6, 2014

Last Word on Neo-Gallican Rites & Upcoming Posts

First, the beginning of the [long delayed] series on the early traditionalist movement is a few weeks away, but close. The first three entries with be on Msgr. Alfred Gilbey, Mrs. Mary Ball-Martinez, and Abbé Quintin Montgomery-Wright. The last two have proven challenging objects of research, particularly the obscure Mrs. Martinez. We will also be reviving our series on the Lesser Known Fathers next week with the challenging Shepherd of Hermas. 

Reproduced below is a cleaned up version of an e-mail to a reader who wanted to know about the emergence of the neo-Gallican "Jansenist" rites of France. It represents the final thoughts I have on the matter. My thoughts can only apply to the Missals. The breviaries departed more heavily than the Missals from the received tradition, particularly with regard to the distribution of psalms, which inspired the 1911-1913 reforms (did Papa Sarto violate Quo primum's older brother, Quo a nobis I wonder?):
The neo-Gallican rites are complicated. France had local rites galore. I am starting to think that the Norman liturgical family (which includes Sarum, Rouen, York, Dominican, maybe Braga and many others) may be somewhat distinct from the Roman. See here.
I am unsure as to just how different the rite of Paris was, for instance, from the others originally. If you go through some of my older posts on the Parisian rite—for instance—you will find that I compared some of the propers (variable daily texts) from a Missal from 1300 with the 18th century books and found considerable variance. While the Sarum/Dominican/Norman tradition often had unique texts on the great feasts, the Parisian Mass was almost exactly the same as the Roman rite that was codified in 1570 and used until the mid 20th century, word for word! This suggests that the Parisian rite was perhaps a distinct rite from the Roman in other regards (ceremonies, the Divine Office etc), but used the Roman texts originally. However, this may not necessarily be the case. In the Middle Ages—hell, everywhere before Trent—Mass differed diocese to diocese and sometimes even within single churches. Priests in monasteries and cathedrals would be assigned one altar in perpetuity for their daily Masses and would celebrate as they wished at that altar (the fact that no one dared touch the Roman Canon for 14 centuries should show you just how strong their sense of tradition was). We have no idea where in Paris that Missal was used or by whom. The University of Paris was constantly at odds with the local Archbishop, so the popes placed the university under the Holy See's direct jurisdiction and protection (St Thomas Aquinas and Innocent III were both students). Could the Missal have been used by the University in school services as part of their patronage under Rome? Could it have belonged to a Roman priest studying there? Could the Roman rite have been used everywhere in Paris? Not enough remaining manuscripts to come to a conclusion. 
Regardless, the Parisian and French rites were closer to the Roman rite originally than the books I examined in my blog series (all 18th and 19th century). The books I examined had either been altered in text (many propers changed) or in translation (ditching the Old Roman psalms for the Vulgate psalms of St Jerome). The Ordo Missae of Rouen and Paris are the Roman Ordo Missae with French modifications, not the Norman/Sarum/Dominican Ordo Missae.
What I think happened was that after Trent most of France took on the Roman books because bishops did not want to have to monitor and approve liturgical changes when some office of monsignori in Rome could do it, leaving the bishops to their own devices. Over time, the people and clergy of those various dioceses using the Roman books became disillusioned for many reasons and sought to return to their heritage or to insert new content. Some features like the available alternative readings for ferial days (when the Sunday Mass is repeated during the week) would be restorations of the Norman practice. Others are interpolations of Norman features into the Roman Mass (like the archbishop giving the pontifical blessing during the Canon of the Mass and reciting the Last Gospel in the recession to the sacristy rather than at the altar). And some others are just different altogether (see the Secrets and post-Communion chants for many weekdays and feasts). While Gueranger cried Jansenism, I see no evidence for it (and plenty textual evidence against it) other than the [puzzling] octave of St Augustine, which was only strange but not heretical by any means. What I think happened was a conflux of:
1-a resurgence in classical education and Latin literacy being expressed in very vivid new texts
2-a revived liturgical interest in the local clergy and the people of the dioceses, wanting their own traditions back
3-desire on the part of the bishops to curry favor with the kings of France by demonstrating their independence from Rome
4-boredom with the existing, rather tame ceremonies (compare a Roman high Mass with the Pontifical Mass in the Lyonese rite that I described here)
Clearly, the neo-Gallican books were justifiably called neo-Gallican and not just Gallican. Some of their changes were bad, but I think many were good for their local tradition (like the Palm Sunday rites in Paris). While the texts had some anti-Roman elements (like the psalm translations), that means the books needed adjusting, not discarding. Roman wanted to end the neo-Gallican uses for some time, but could never quite do it until the middle to late 19th century. Whether it was because of centralization or orthodoxy, I cannot say. I am inclined to say that the neo-Gallican books do continue a unique tradition in those dioceses because Roman could not entirely apply Quo primum, which bans liturgies less than 200 years old, to those rites. They may have been rites similar to Rome's initially, yet still unique enough to call rites. Pius VII officially recognized those rites as part of his peace with Napoleon. Then came the Liturgical Movement, Gueranger etc.
All right. End of rant. Does that clear things up?

Wednesday, October 1, 2014

Is Braga a French Rite?

Rite of Versailles
The English local uses, defunct since the death of Mary Tudor with precious few exceptions, are essentially local variations of the Rouen liturgy used in Norman France, itself a local "dialect" of the Roman rite, to borrow from Adrian Fortescue. The Dominican rite, still used according to the 1962 variation in some circles, shares many prayers and choir ceremonies with the Sarum and Norman rites. Some of the propers are stunningly similar, such as the oration Veneranda on the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. It begs the question, are the Roman rite and the medieval European rites distinct from each other?

The two were certainly different prior to the Minorites (Franciscans). Rome jealously resisted any innovations even in the most remote of ways, such as the broader use of incense in the rites of Europe. The international character of the Roman Curia brought the European liturgy, a synthesis of the Benedictine monastic choir rites with the cathedral liturgies of European dioceses—themselves informed by a resurgence in literary and philosophical education, to Rome. The Curia had its own rite, which one could summarize as the Roman text with the European ritual. The Lateran Cathedral and St. Peter's Basilica retained the more congregational and communitarian Roman ritual and practices during this time. Papal Mass as it existed until 1964 could itself be called a blend of these two forces. The Franciscans used the Curial liturgy and popularized it as the Roman rite throughout Europe. Nicholas III, a Franciscan, suppressed the old Roman usages at the basilicas of the City, making the Curial rite the only form of the Roman rite (the current era is not the only time an extraordinary form of the Roman rite was suppressed!). We all know what happened under St. Pius V and the aftermath of Trent.

The consequential question then is: can the medieval European rites—excluding the unique liturgies of Milan and Toledo—similar enough to characterize as one rite with many variations? As mentioned above, Sarum, Rouen, and the Dominican rite are all very similar as they should be. Dominicans often studied at the university of Paris, itself likely influenced by the same Norman praxis which the conquerors brought to England after Hastings. What, then, of Braga? The Bragan rite, as our friend Marco has underscored many times on his excellent blog on that tradition, shares many of the same prayers as Sarum and the Dominican liturgy, both on feasts and Sundays per annum. Braga is in northern Portugal, nearly a thousand miles from Normandy. Can the Norman liturgical family really extend that far south or had dioceses begun to develop their own variation of the Roman rite very early on in the Middle Ages, only encountering the proper texts with the coming of the Minorites? Another possibility is that these common texts are themselves remnants of the liturgy used prior to Alcuin and Charlemagne's attempt to impose the 9th century Roman books on Western Europe. People will speak of the Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramentaries, but are there a reasonable number of extant Gallican source to cross-reference? Unlikely, which makes this thesis impossible to test. The neo-Gallican rites, while occasionally making concessions to Jansenist culture (octave of St. Augustine while suppressing the octave of Ss. Peter & Paul), are themselves orthodox and can be read as an attempt to revitalize French liturgical life. Unfortunately, the propers were themselves changed considerably and are not returns to the Norman texts (if they were even used in Lyons or Paris). Still, Normanesque elements are readily visible in the neo-Gallican rites: extravagant choir ceremonies, vivid and loquacious proper orations, and optional ferial readings for the resumed Sunday Mass. They are not part of the medieval European or Norman group, but imitate them in style, indicating a distant relation. 

So how were the various medieval European rites connected, given their considerable textual departure from the Roman rite, to which they imparted their ceremonies?

Friday, August 1, 2014

Last Gallican Post: The Use of Rouen

Cathedrale Notre Dame de Rouen, famously painted by Monet
source: frenchmoments.eu
Initially we intended only to review the local French uses of the Roman rite prayed in the dioceses of Lyon and Paris during the Counter-Reformation, right until their suppression in the 20th and 19th centuries respectively. The supposed defect of the rites of France was that the Jansenists, French Catholics who followed Calvin's cruel reading of St. Augustine's writings on free will, tainted these liturgies with their detestation of saints, preference for starkness in ritual and kalendar, and insinuation of their theology into the prayers of the Mass and Office.

These rites do often differ from the Roman rite, particularly the Parisian rite, which in the year 1300 was textual very close to the Roman rite. Without any copies of their Breviaries to review, we focused on the Missals. Our, admittedly brief, examination revealed no firm traces of Jansenism whatsoever. What we found were very lavish liturgies replete with rich texts and ritual symbolism. The strongest shortcoming of these rites is that they differ in many places from the Roman rite where they once resembled it (cf. Parisian Mass for Pascha or use of the Gallican psalter for the propers). This suggests that the French government, often staffed by bishops and cardinals in matters of administration, may have influenced a de-Romanization of these rites which were culturally absurd, but hardly unorthodox and beyond correction. 

The only concession to Jansenist culture we found was the Parisian rite's octave of St. Augustine, the favorite saint of the Jansenists, in the same Missal which has no octave for Ss. Peter & Paul, the integral saints of Rome. Even this can be explained as a cultural matter than a theological one. The propers and orations of that Mass, indeed of all the Missals, present a strong literary culture among the clergy and a French church focused on sin, penance, and redemption—all things long pre-destined and beyond choice in the minds of the Jansenists. 

We will discuss the very basic features of the Missale secundum usum Ecclesiae Rotomagensis, the Missal according to the use of the Church of Rouen. We will be using the 1759 edition.

Kalendar and Rubrics

The kalendar retains many of the papal martyrs of the first few centuries as simple feasts, as in the Roman rite, but also adds many obscure French saints to the kalendar as simple or semi-double like St. Bathild or promotes others like Martin of Tours to patronal status. The ranking of feasts if quite odd: Solemnity, Triples of the first and second class, greater and lesser doubles, semi-double, simple, vigil, and ferial. The gradation is not explained in the Missal nor is the status of these Masses with relation to Sunday. All Saints in a Solemnity, the Assumption is a Triple of the first class, and most Apostles have a greater double. The rules for commemorations, marriages, Masses for the dead, and multiple Masses in collegiate churches are virtually the same as in the pre-1911 Roman rite. There is a provision for moving the Double feasts to Sundays, but the same rubric requires a sung Mass of the Sunday in addition to that of the feast, quite until the "external solemnity" rules in the EF and Pauline liturgies. Should May 1st occur on Paschal Saturday, a private Mass may be celebrated of Ss. Philip & James, but the Office and feast must be transferred outside of the Paschal octave.

Ordo Missae


The Order of Mass is word-for-word, action-for-action the Roman Mass. Even some of the musical tones are the same such as the intonation of the Gloria and dismissal during Pascha. The beginning of the Credo (excluding Credo III) in the Roman is also the same as the beginning of the Credo in Rouen for Greater and Lesser Doubles. And the dismissal from the Missa de Angelis is the dismissal for Triple feasts of the first class! Some of the dismissals are so long and winding, one wonders if they ever were actually sung by clergy who were not trained musicians. After the last Gospel, the prologue of St. John, the Benedicite is sung during the recession as a thanksgiving.

Propers


The propers show the most signs of trouble, not heresy, but lamentable tampering and poor copyist work. For instance the epistle readings for Holy Saturday and the Sunday of the Resurrection are reversed, with Paul telling the Corinthians to "purge out the old leaven" on Saturday and the Colossians that they "must rise" with Christ on Sunday when Christ is already risen. 

As in the Parisian and Lyonese rites, and as in Sarum, there are alternative weekday lessons should a ferial day occur and the Sunday Mass warrant repetition. Unlike the other Missals from France, this one retains the old Roman psalter for the propers. One test I have used is the Introit for the third Mass of Christmas day which in the Roman psalter begins "Puer natus est nobis" while the Gallican psalter of St. Jerome, utilized in the other books, renders "Parvulus natus est nobis." The Rouen use is quite remarkable in this regard. The loss of the folded chasuble and the use of only one deacon for the Passion are the only visible de-Romanizations. Holy Week is almost exactly the pre-Pius XII Roman Holy Week only with four readings on Holy Saturday and no distinct Gospel ceremony following the Passion. One wonders if the removal of strongly Roman features was more prominent in the major sees (the capital city of Paris and the primatial see of Lyon). 

As with the other uses, there are more "commons" for saints than in the Roman Missal. The common for one woman, not a martyr follows the same Gaudens gaudebo introit as Pius IX's Mass for the Immaculate Conception, perhaps revealing some textual inspiration.

The Missal contains more sequences than in the Roman rite, but they lack the theological insight and beauty of the Parisian ones. Below is the text for the third Mass of the Nativity.


Conclusion


On the whole the rite of Rouen, like the rite of Paris, is mild variation of the Roman rite, adding local saints and condign Masses for them as well as some additional texts for great feasts, but unlike the other French rites its de-Romanization is limited to some rubrical matters. We would classify Rouen and Paris as "neo-Gallican" liturgies, changed from the basic Roman text whereas the rite of Lyon suggests an older, more independent tradition.

We hope readers and boutique fetishists have enjoyed our exploration of the rites of France used in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries. With the curtain coming down on the last act of this Gallican drama we will be moving on to another French story, the origins of the Traditionalist Movement and a series of exposés on its less recognized figures. The first post in that series will either be on Fr. Bryan Houghton or Msgr. Alfred N. Gilbey. Again, thank you for reading.

Saturday, June 28, 2014

The Lyonese Missal Part V: Two More Masses, Votive Prayers & Conclusions

Initially I intended to finish this series on the purportedly Jansenistic rites of France by considering the votive prayers of the Lyonese Missal. One reader was kind and enterprising enough to find and share with me a copy of the Rouen rite, which shares lineage with Sarum of course. I will do a one post overview of that Missal rather than an entire series and then we will begin our series of the lesser known founders of the traditionalist movement before the great hijack of the late 1970s.

Before covering some select votive orations let me share with readers two interesting votive Masses from the Missal, one for the celebration of a synod and the other for the election of a bishop, remnants of the days of local episcopal election and local synods that carried primatial weight.





The votive orations themselves are largely unremarkable in their content. Some orations, as with the proper texts of the Masses, are the exact same as in the Roman rite, with the same collects, but other orations, often the secrets and most commonly the post-Communions, differ. For example in the Roman rite the familiar collect A cunctis nos is followed by the secret Exaudi nos and the post-Communion Mundet et muniat. The Lyonese rite has A cunctis nos and the post-Communion Mundet et muniat, but with the secret Oblationem nostram, a prayer not found in the Roman liturgy.

The Missal contains some unique prayers, such as one specifically for the Lyonese church, for the King, for the Queen if she is pregnant, for the royal court, to know the will of God and others. The prayer for knowledge of the will of God again does not seem to bode well for accusations of Jansenism, given that it petitions "you may illuminate our minds with the light of clarity." As with the Parisian rite, these differences are deviations, but not heretical.

Conclusion

The local rites of France drew of the ire of the Ultramontanists who wished in their heart of hearts for everything Catholic to be everything Roman, for Roman liturgy and theology to become the only acceptable expression of the Catholic faith. Diocesan uses dating to the middle ages and new variations that developed either through legitimate variation or 17th century anti-Roman politicking fell to the cruel ax of centralization.

The rites of Paris do not directly descend from the glorious Norman family of rites. Instead it is clearly the Roman rite with conscientious differences, differences that could be categorized in any number of ways: ritual returns to the cathedral liturgies of France, new prayers that reflect a vibrant religious and literary culture, and unambiguous departures from uniquely Roman liturgical traditions such as the folded chasuble. The Lyonese use is more medieval in its origins, always a variation of the Latin liturgy and never the Roman original. Its rites, particularly the rites surrounding pontifical Mass, preserve many now lost aspects of liturgical theology, such as the apocalyptic significance of the seven candles held by the acolytes (also done in 8th century Rome according to the Ordo Romanus Primus). 

Certain facets of the Lyonese rite definitely depart from the Roman patrimony, not the least of which is the use of the Gallican psalter of St. Jerome over the traditional old Roman psalter in the proper chants. Earlier manuscripts of both the Lyonese and Parisian rites clearly indicate that the Roman texts were once followed. Aside from some of the late 20th century vernacular versions of the Pauline rite, a translation is not heretical. The use of the Gallican text instead of the old Roman one suggests bishops were giving in to the anti-Roman spirit in fervor in the royal court of the 17th century. It does not suggest rampant heresy. The need for correction does not necessary mean deviation.

Happily, I am told, the FSSP clergy in Lyon still celebrates this rite semi-regularly. Let us hope that this French gem, untainted by the Jansenists, is not lost in the vault of liturgical history as so many other Latin traditions are.

Friday, May 23, 2014

The Lyonese Missal Part IV: Feasts & Commons

source: newliturgicalmovement.org
Progressing with our exposé on the "Jansenism" of the local rites of France alleged by those who wished to effect the abandonment of those uses in favor of the Tridentine Roman liturgy. Thus far no discernible traces of Jansenism have been found in the rites of Paris or Lyon.

What has been found is a series of deviations and differences from the Roman rite which vary in their contribution to the Church catholic and their accord with custom. As mentioned the Gallican and neo-Gallican rites omit the previously utilized Roman psalter in the propers in favor of the Gallican Vulgate translation of St. Jerome. Similarly, many proper texts which once matched the Roman rite have changed, sometimes by evolution and sometimes by outright alteration. Many of the new prayers are quite beautiful and reflect the vibrant religious and literary life of the age. Others are vividly visual and replete with excessive talk of immolation and other eccentric wording. While many of the contrasts between the French rites and the Roman mother rite can be said to be in poor taste, none of them thus far show signs of heresy.

In our series let us continue with two sets of propers for both major feasts and from the Commons. Let us examine Epiphany and the Assumption feasts as well as the Common for a virgin martyr and the votive Mass of the Holy Trinity.

Epiphany

The feast of Epiphany is the third most important in the whole of the Catholic Church. Pascha relives the Resurrection from the dead of our Lord and Pentecost celebrates the sending of the Holy Spirit upon the Apostles who in turn used this dwelling presence of God to multiply the Church throughout the world. Epiphany celebrated the "appearing" of God in many venues: the appearance of the Christ child to the magi, marking the first time Gentiles ever met God; the changing of water into wine during the wedding feast at Cana manifested Jesus' divine power over matter; and the feast in general recalls Christ's spiritual birth in eternity (indeed some second century writers opposed celebrating a lesser birth in time); on the octave day the Baptism in the Jordan is celebrated, wherein the fullness of the Trinity was finally revealed to mankind and Christ began His public ministry. After Pentecost no octave is as rich in content and beauty as the eight days of Epiphany.

This Mass differs substantially from the Roman rite, in the synaxis sharing only the Collect and the Gospel pericope. The Introit in the Roman tradition and in the Lyonese Missal do have the same theme, that the Lord of all has come to dwell and rule among men, "Adore the Lord in His holy court, let the heavens rejoice and the earth be glad, and may they say among the nations: the Lord reigns" (Introit, taken from psalm 95). The epistle (Ephesians 2:8-18) reminds the faithful that they are saved by faith and that faith is a gift from God, not a human fabrication or action. Faith was given to the world by God, faith which was known only to the Jews—and even then only in part—before the coming of Christ and His salvific work which manifested God to all mankind. Is this not the purpose of the Epiphany?

The Roman gradual mentions Jerusalem, surge et illuminare, Ierusalem, the type of the Church and of heaven. The Lyonese texts eschew Jerusalem and call upon the "ends of the earth" that they "may be converted unto the Lord." These variations are not of faith, but of perspective. The Lyonese Mass, in line with St. Paul's epistle, expounds the universality of God's revelation in His appearance to men, even unto Gentiles. The Roman Mass instead celebrates the fulfillment of the type that is Jerusalem in the Church and also the quasi-type of Heaven that is the Church.

The real treasure of this Mass however is the sequence Ad Iesum accurrite:

"Run to Jesus,
Lower your hearts
To the new king of Men.

"The star broadly preaches,
And faith inwardly points
To the Redeemer of all.

"Here offer gifts
giving freely,
but given in the heart.

"This will be the most accepted
Offering of the Savior,
A sacrifice of the mind.

"Gold makes love
and the myrrh of life makes holiness,
And may frankincense be vows of the heart.

"The King is known by gold,
The Man by myrrh is nurtured,
And by incense He is the God of all nations.

"Judea, be joyful people
And do not envy the Gentiles to whom
Was revealed the mystery.

"After the shepherds,
The faithful Magi
Join in the consort.

"Who to the Jews advocates
Christ, he gathers peoples
Under one house.

"Bethlehem is today
All of the Church
Newly born.

"Christ reigns in hearts,
And in the defeat of rebels
He makes His domain. Amen."

(I apologize for the poor literary quality of the translation, it is my own)

The Gospel, Offertory, and Secret are identical with the Roman rite. The post-Communion oration builds on the Pauline text earlier, thanking God Who in His "ineffable mercy called us from the shadows and dignified us in the admirable light" for the gift of faith. Perhaps this prayer, or prayers similar to it, aroused suspicions of Jansenism, which builds upon the Calvinistic interpretation of St. Augustine's concept of free will. Under the Calvinistic and Jansenistic scheme of free will, faith is a grace that God gives to the individual which he cannot chose to accept or decline. The person is very much the chattle of God. The Catholic Church rejects this notion of grace and faith. The oration in question certainly could be read in a Jansenistic fashion when perceived in a vacuum. In context the prayer belongs to a series of prayers and texts that thank God for the gift of faith, particularly for giving it to all nations and not just to the Jews as He had in previous times.

Verdict: orthodox.

Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary

The Roman Mass for this day, prior to 1951, was one of the most beautiful Masses of the entire year, beginning with the Gaudeamus omnes Introit. Lyon calls for a procession prior to the Mass during which verses of the Magnificat are sung continuously. The Introit is the rather dull Tenuisti manum dexteram meam. Interestingly, the Collect for the feast is the same as in Sarum and in the Dominican rite:
"We beseech You, Oh Lord, let us be aided continually by the sacred feast of this day, whereon the Holy Mother of God underwent death in this world, and yet could not be held by the chains of death, who did bring forth Your Son Our Lord."
The Collect is something of a two-for-one, calling for the above prayer on the feast and the beautiful Famulorum Collect of the Roman rite for days within the Octave and the Octave day. The lesson is taken from the same part of the Johannine Apocalypse where Pius XII's fellow reformers found the Signum mangum Introit for the new Assumption Mass. This passage however has the preceding verse "And the temple of God was opened in the sky and His ark of the covenant was seen in the temple." This underscores Our Lady's importance: she is the new ark of the covenant that carries not the written Word, but the Word Himself; she fulfills the role of the ark and of the Temple; she is a type of the Church and the mother of the Church. She is not a solitary neon blue figurine surrounded in kitsch stars, the sort found in the dollar section of a department store.

Is it just me or is something different?

There is a sequence, Plaudamus cum superis, which follows the Marian typology closely. The Gospel is the Lucan account of the Visitation of the Virgin to her cousin St. Elizabeth, the mother of the Forerunner. A unique interpolation follows the Canon of the Mass. After the Libera nos Domine the deacon goes to the Gospel corner, the subdeacon to the epistle corner, the priest genuflect, turns to the people, and the choir sings the antiphon Sub tuum praesidium confugimus. A versicle is sung followed by an oration to the "King of kings" that through the intercession of Mary He may deign to protect the "most Christian king" and those who are under his domain. One wonders why the monarchists in France today have no interest in this rite? The post-Communion again differs from the Roman rite, but is unremarkable.

Votive Mass of the Holy Trinity

This Mass is more or less the Roman Mass with some alterations. The Introit is now Misericordia Domini plena est terra rather than the familiar Benedicta sit Sancta Trinitas. The Collect, Epistle, Gospel, and Secret are the same. The Gradual and Offertory verses as well as the Communion verses have been changed to conform to the emphasis given to the power of the Trinity in the Lyonese Introit, whereas the Roman Introit and proper chants simply repeat "Blessed" in many variations to describe the Trinity. The post-Communion is a wordy [by Latin standards] thanksgiving glorifying the Trinity in the Persons' functions and a Roman lesson in theosis:
"Lord God, Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ, from Whom all fatherhood in heaven and on earth in named, grant to us that through Your Spirit we may be strengthened inwardly in [Your] power, and to know the love of Christ, which is beyond all knowledge, that we may be filled in the fullness of God."

Virgin Martyr

The Roman Office of Virgin Martyrs is my favorite of the Commons. The Mass however is a different matter. The Roman Missal gives two Masses for Virgin Martyrs, as does Lyon. Both Lyonese Masses appear to be variations of the Roman Mass with different Introits. The Collects of both match their Roman counterparts (Deus qui inter and Indulegentiam nobis). The second Mass, Casta generatio, retains the lesson from Ecclesiasticus (the first Mass in the Roman Missal) while the first Mass in the Lyonese rite finds an epistle from 2 Corinthians ch. 10. The Gospel in the first Mass matches the first Roman Mass perfectly. The Secret and the various post-Communions use vivid language describing "the Lamb," of course Christ, which the pure virgin martyrs follow and imitate.

This Common, as with one Mass mentioned in the previous post in this series, demand a thesis that the original sin of the French rites, other than not conforming to centralization, is a mangling of texts. Many of the new texts contribute to the Church's understanding of the holy mysteries. Many restore medieval praxis. And yet some, such as the swapping of the Gospel texts and some spelling errors, display a degree of experimentation that might have demanded an intervention, albeit on a much smaller scale than the virtual suppression of the French rites that occurred under the Ultramontane purge of the liturgical fabric of the Church.

Conclusion

Next week we will wrap up the Lyonese Missal with the votive orations and compare them with the Roman prayers. I do hope some of you are enjoying this series, which I fear might only appeal to specialists.

Thursday, May 1, 2014

The Lyonese Missal Part III: Sundays per Annum

St. Jean, cathedral of the primatial see of France

Let us resume our exciting series on the local liturgical usages of the French dioceses prior to the 19th century streamlining of worship influenced by Dom Prosper Gueranger's accusations of Jansenism. The rite of Lyon, the primatial see of the first daughter of the Church, survived the liturgical purge until the mid-20th century when, like so many other dioceses both after Trent and after the 1960s reforms, the bishop decided to switch to the Roman liturgy.

As a review, let us aphorize that Jansenists were effectively French Catholics who thought Calvin read St. Augustine correctly. On this scheme of belief some of God's commandments are impossible to uphold, that grace is irresistible—unless one is not "chosen", and Christ died for the elect and not for all men. Other peculiarities of the Jansenists include an allergy to people receiving Communion on a regular basis. This makes accusations of Jansenism difficult to justify given that the Parisian and Lyonese rites mandate regular administration of Holy Communion during Mass to whoever so wishes to receive. Other issues and defects exist which likely led to the demise of the Gallican rites, issues which will be covered in the concluding post at some point in the future.

Part I: Third Sunday of Advent

The Third Sunday of Advent is one of the great days of the year in the Roman rite. Celebrated in rose vestments, hinting at the impending joy of Christmas, the Mass begins with the word Gaudete. In ancient and medieval times the pope would celebrate this Mass following a nighttime vigil of Mattins and Lauds. The Lyonese rite begins not with Gaudete, but rather with the familiar Introit Rorate coeli de super. The collect and epistle (Gaudete, iterum dico gaudete....) are the same as in the Roman Mass. Graduals tend to differ in the French rites from the Roman one, probably the result of mangling by bishops without the supervision of monks. This gradual is not different in content. It has the same two verses of psalm 79 as the Roman rite, but flipped! The Alleluia is different, but again taken from a psalm. The Gospel pericope is the same as in Rome, extracted from John chapter 1, wherein the Forerunner calls himself the "voice crying out in the desert" in anticipation of the coming of the Lord. The Offertory verse is again different from Rome, although it is familiar to us all (Deus, tu conversus vivificabis nos, et plebs tua laetabitur in te: ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam tuam, et salutare tuum da nobis). Indeed it fits in well with the crying aloud of the Baptist and the apocalyptic tone of Advent. The secret is the same as in the Roman. The preface is of the Incarnation (not neo-Gallican Advent preface). The Communion verse again betrays not malice, but mangling; the Roman verse, from Isaiah, is Dicite: pusillanimes, confortamini et nollite timere: ecce, Deus noster veniet, et salvabit nos. Lyon reads: Dicite: pusillanimes, confortamini et nollite timere: ecce, Deus ipse veniet, et salvabit vos. The post-Communion oration, completely different from the Roman one, says that the faithful have been "renewed" in the Body and Blood of Christ and asks that by those gifts, "aids of the present life," we may "obtain the reward of eternal happiness."

The non-Roman rites usually give readings for ferial Masses on Wednesdays and Fridays for the sake of variety and to expound the mysteries of Sunday in more depth. Lyon is no exception.

Part II: Sunday with the Octave of the Nativity


The Roman Mass for today is a sensible continuation of the Nativity cycle beginning with the Puer natus est nobis Introit so familiar to those of us who love the Roman Advent/Nativity cycle (personally I do not think any time in the Latin or Greek liturgies is as rich as the Roman Advent season). The Introit for Lyon is a curious variation of psalm 88: Ipse invocabit me. The Roman collect for the day exists here as a commemoration, as the Sunday has its own unique collect: "Almighty eternal God, direct our actions in Your approval, that in the name of Your beloved Son, we may merit to abound in good works." Could one who does not believe in substantial free will pray this oration? The collect of the Octave is omitted if the Mass is celebrated, but it is said as a commemoration, along with the collect of the Sunday, if the feast of St. Stephen, St. John, or the Holy Innocents is celebrated on the Sunday.

The readings are entirely in variance from the Roman rite. The Roman epistle comes from St. Paul's letter to Titus and the Gospel is St. Luke's account of shepherds adoring Christ. The Lyonese readings come from Galatians (4:1-8) and the first half of St. Luke's narrative of the presentation of Christ in the Temple. The message here is that Christ's Incarnation makes all people children of God and descendants of Abraham, not just those born through certain lineages. The old Law gives way to something greater. The gradual, Offertory, and Communion verses differ, but are unremarkable. The secret is a long way of saying very little very vividly, typical French Latin. The post-Communion oration petitions that we may be more worthy to become partakers "of His divinity Who humbled Himself to be a partaker in our humanity." I wonder if the makers of the Pauline liturgy borrowed from this prayer. The Latin word order and vocabulary is even the same.

Part III: First Sunday of Lent


Mass, per the Norman praxis, is celebrated in ash colored vestments rather than violet. While the ancient Roman tradition was to use as dark a color as possible, the Norman tradition was to use as colorless and sparse a color as possible.

The synaxis is almost exactly the same as in the Roman rite, with two exceptions. The first is that the old Roman psalms are foregone again—a dubious trait of these Gallican rites—in favor of the Vulgate translation. The Introit begins with Clamabit ad me rather than Invocabit me. The other difference is in the gradual and tract. Both use large excerpts from psalm 90, which readers hopefully pray at Compline every night, but the Roman tract is longer. Perhaps Lyon is a reduction.

The secret is the same, but not the Offertory or Communion verse, nor the post-Communion oration. The Offertory is from Deuteronomy chapter 9 and parallels Moses' forty days of fasting followed by his reception of the Ten Commandments with Christ's forty days fasting followed by the beginning of His public ministry.

After Vespers all images except crosses on the altars where Mass is celebrated and processional crosses are covered. Even in Passiontide they are not covered. One presumes that the coverings are ash colored.


Part IV: 14th Sunday after Pentecost


No study of Masses per annum would be complete without a foray into the Sundays after Pentecost, the Roman "green season." Strangely, today's Introit is the one missing from would-be Gaudete Sunday from the first section of today's post. The collect and readings are the same, although the gradual and alleluia differ quite a bit, emphasizing fear of God rather than the joy in the Roman texts. The Offertory chant differs, but is unremarkable. The Roman secret petitions that the gifts offered may be a "purgation of offences and propitiation of your power" while the Lyonese asks that the gifts and prayers offered bring "Your kingdom and justice that we seek with all our heart." The post-Communion calls upon God to feed us through the Sacrament received, that we may pull through visible things and have faith in the invisible things to come. The Roman oration has more or less the same message in half as many words.

Conclusion


Again our efforts to find Jansenism in the French rites is thwarted and again we find at least one prayer that seems to be directly opposed to the ideas attributed to bishop Jansen. Furthermore, we see evidence that the real reason for the suppression of the French rites—aside from the political climate—may well have been intentional deviations from things explicitly Roman like the antiphonary psalms used in the Introits of Mass.

Next in the series: feasts & commons.

Thursday, March 27, 2014

The Lyonese Missal Part II: Holy Week & Pascha

Cornelius Jansen was a bishop and faithful servant of the Christ who in his last days made his private writings vulnerable to the judgment of the Church. Indeed the Church found some of his ideas on grace and man's cooperation with it to be a deviation from her tradition, condemning them, but not the humble Jansen. Some of Jansen's intellectual followers could not heed his example and, if we are to believe certain French Ultramontanists, they peppered the local rites of the French church with their heterodox beliefs. As part of our on-going investigation into these claims, which resulted in the eventual suppression of many diocesan rites in France, we will now look into Holy Week and Pascha in the rite of Lyons.

Part I: Palm Sunday

Palm Sunday in the Lyonese Missal is a relatively low key affair when compared to the Missa sicca, blessings, distribution of palms, procession, and dramatic entry into the church in the pre-Pius XII Roman rite. Still, it contributes, or rather maintains, to the Latin tradition a very Gallican understanding of time and space in the liturgy. The day begins with a procession in silence to St. Irenaeus "on the mount," shown to the right, where the shrine of the saint of Lyons once stood before it was destroyed by the Calvinists (already I see a disincentive for Catholics to adopt Jansenistic ideas in this diocese). The deacons and subdeacons wear violet folded chasubles, as in the Roman rite, and the "concelebrants" are fully vested. The lord Archbishop wears a violet cope and a mitre. From St. Irenaeus the procession heads to the cemetery of St. Just. Arriving at St. Just cemetery the choir sings psalm 50, the Miserere, for the dead and follow it with the standard collect. The procession then enters St. Just. Palms are arranged on the altar. The Archbishop blesses the palms from the epistle side using three collects; the first asks for a share in the triumph of the Cross, the second asks that the Lord "bless us with songs" as He did the people of Jerusalem and that we may sing to Him with palms and songs of glory at His second coming, and the third that the people receive the palms with faith. They are then sprinkled with lustral water, incensed, and distributed to the singing of Pueri Hebraeorum—as in the Roman rite. A procession follows immediately. The antiphons during the procession differ a bit from the Roman rite, emphasizing the plotting of the Sanhedrin against Christ rather than the wonder of the people of Jerusalem. There is no ceremony at the door of the cathedral nor the singing of Gloria, Laus, et Honor tibi sit as in the Roman Church, but an antiphon is sung upon entering Locuti sunt adversum me lingua dolosa. A collect ends the service and the lord Archbishop vests for Mass.

Interestingly this service, although in the whole far simpler than the unreformed Roman rite, it does preserve some interesting elements not apparent in the Tridentine liturgy, which is essentially a reduced version of the Roman rite made for bureaucratic use. For one consider the idea of procession. In the Roman rite one starts the service within the main church, makes a circle around the block, and returns. In this use the procession begins at a distant cemetery and nearby church and then arrives at the cathedral. The significance is not at first apparent. Our Lord had just raised Lazarus from the dead after the mourning and weeping of Martha. He then goes down from Bethany with His Apostles and disciples, then enters Jerusalem, the city of the Temple and of David. Here the procession begins in a cemetery with weeping and prayers for the dead who, like Lazarus, we expect to rise to a new life when Christ returns to judge the quick and the dead. The procession then continues downhill, arriving at the cathedral, the new temple and type of the new Jerusalem where Christ is king and which we touch now and will embrace in eternity. The Roman rite's Missa sicca is perhaps more beautiful and historic than the Lyonese blessing, but the Lyonese procession offers much insight into the Church's view of time, death, judgment, and the age to come.

The Introit and Collect are the same as in the Roman rite, but again the Gallican psalter replaces the pre-Vulgate Latin commonly used in antiphons in the Roman tradition. Psalm 21, the Roman gradual, is shortened to a few verses. Whereas in the Roman rite three deacons, not petitioning the celebrant for a blessing, sing the Passion according to St. Matthew, and then the deacon of the Mass sings the burial narrative as the Gospel, in the rite of Lyons one deacon, not petitioning a blessing, sings the entire Passion in the Gospel tone. When Christ "gives up the ghost" all prostrate and kiss the ground. The burial, the Gospel in the Roman rite, is not given distinctive ceremony, but is sung in a higher pitch, possibly an echo of the Roman use. The celebrating Archbishop does not kiss the book.

The propers for the rest of the Mass differ from Rome, but are unremarkable except that the Secret seems to be based on texts used in the Roman Office during the Triduum. At private Masses the account of Christ's entry into Jerusalem found in Matthew may be read in place of St. John's prologue at the end of Mass.

Part II: Mass of the Lord's Supper and Mandatum

At the Mass of the Lord's Supper the Gloria, Creed, and Ite missa est are only sung in the Mass is the conventual Mass in the cathedral at which the lord Archbishop will consecrate the holy oils for the year according to the Lyonese pontifical books. Otherwise neither the Gloria nor Creed are sung and the dismissal is Benedicamus Domino. Two hosts are consecrated: one for the priest's communion today and the other for the Mass of the Pre-Sanctified tomorrow.

The Introit and Collect are entirely different from Rome. While the Roman texts focus on the impending Passion and the betrayal of Judas, the Lyonese Introit, borrowed from Hebrews 5:10, introduces Christ's priesthood this night, His bridging heaven and earth. The Collect begs God that "we may deserve to achieve rising to our justification" in Christ. Would not a Jansenist think justification a foregone conclusion?

The epistle and Gospel match the Roman rite. The gradual differs, but again focuses on the priesthood of the Lord. The Offertory verse does not match, but the secret does, a rarity in Gallican books. The changes to the Canon for the day are precisely the same as in the Roman rite. The Agnus Dei is omitted, as is the Kiss of Peace, but the pre-communion prayers are the same. The Communion antiphon is "I have wanted with great desire to eat this Passover meal with you all before I leave." The post-Communion oration differs, again giving special attention to priesthood.

Mass of the Lord's Supper in the
Lyonese rite, 1934.
After Mass the Blessed Sacrament is taken in procession, headed by a subdeacon carrying the cross between two torchbearers. Pange lingua is sung and the thurifer incenses the Blessed Sacrament throughout. A baldachin stands over the altar of repose. Assisting clergy surround the four corners of the baldachin according to rank. The collect Respice is sung. The choir then sings O Salutaris Hostia. The Archbishop gives benediction of the Blessed Sacrament and then reposes the Sacrament. The clergy return to the main choir, sing Vespers, strip the altars, and retire until the Mandatum in the afternoon.

The Mandatum takes place in the afternoon. The Archbishop vests in amice, alb, cincture, stole, and mitre. The rubrics envision that he washes the feet of twelve fellow priests, although a provision exists for the washing of the feet of twelve paupers. They sit at the ready, feet bare. The Archbishop washes their feet while the choir sings seven antiphons, many distinct from the Roman rite. These antiphons emphasize fraternity, Ecce quam bonum. After the footwashing the Archbishop sings a collect. Two barefoot torchbearers and a subdeacon wearing a violet tunicle wait for the Archbishop to bless incense and the deacon, who is vested in white dalmatic. The deacon and company then process to the pulpit where he sings St. John's Gospel beginning at 13:16, an abbreviation of the Gospel of the Mass. While this differs from the pre-Pius XII Roman rite, it is far closer to the Roman praxis than either the 1962 or 1970 Holy Weeks. At the words "Arise, let us go" in the Gospel all rise and go to the place in choir where the lord Archbishop will bless bread. The deacon turns to face eastward and continues to sing the Gospel until the end of chapter 15. The Archbishop sings a collect, sprinkles the bread with lustral water, it is distributed, with wine, to any who want it. Thursday in Holy Week thus ends.

Part III: Good Friday

Good Friday begins with a solemn celebration of the little hours, presumably in aggregation. The liturgical color for the little hours is violet and the clergy, lord Archbishop included, sing the Office barefoot. After None, the ministers vest as for Mass, but without the outer vestments, the chasubles—folded or unfolded. Could this be a relic of the medieval Missa sicca rather than an intended separation of the synaxis and the Eucharist as was the intention of Pius XII?

The Archbishop reverences the altar without a kiss and then proceeds to his throne. A subdeacon then sings the lesson Dixit Dominus ad Moysen as in the second reading of the Roman rite. The reading is followed by a tract then then Oremus without a genuflection. The ensuing collect gives thanks for the "mocking, beating, and crucifixion" suffered by Christ for us sinners. Then a second reading, the suffering servant prophecy from Isaiah 53, is read. Psalm 139 is then sung as a tract, Eripe me Domine ab homine malo.

The lord Archbishop is then given his pastoral staff. The deacon, not asking for a blessing, takes the Gospel book, goes to the pulpit, and without introduction sings the Passion according to St. John. As with the Palm Sunday reading the entire Passion is sung in the Gospel tone, when Christ "gives us the ghost" all prostrate and kiss the floor, and the deacon sings what was [likely] once the burial Gospel narrative in a higher tone of voice. The lord Archbishop does not kiss the book at the end.

The lord Archbishop then sings the solemn intercessions from the throne, intercession which match the Roman Missal and the Parisian Missal, particularly in the prayer for the king, although the king was long dead and not long living when the Lyonese rite was last in use. They are sung in the preface tone, with genuflections between the introduction and the actual prayer. No genuflection is made during the prayer for the Jews. During these collects the Treasurer of the diocese, presumably a canon of the cathedral, goes to the sacristy, dons an amice, alb, stole, cincture, violet cope, and a "hat." Four subdeacons, including the two who read prophecies earlier, assume violet folded chasubles. They receive the veiled Crucifix from the sacristan and escort it to the altar. The Treasurer takes the Crucifix, covered in red, and places it on the altar. He removes his hat, genuflects, and with the other ministers returns to his place in the choir.

The lord Archbishop then unveils the Crucifix with the familiar three part Ecce lignum crucis of the Roman rite. Two subdeacons hold the Crucifix up so the Archbishop may adore it. Then the other clergy adore according to rank. The precentor intones the reproaches, which lack the Pange lingua and the Trisagion of the Roman rite. While the congregation adores the Crucifix the choir sings psalm 68 with the antiphon Sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita exaltari oportet Filium hominis; ut omnis qui credit in ipsum non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam.

At the end of the adoration the Archbishop sings a collect from his throne (an inelegant amalgamation of Roman collects from my view). The Treasurer replaces the Crucifix at the center of the altar.

At this point the lord Archbishop finally dons the chasuble and approaches the altar with his six concelebrants, seven deacons, and seven subdeacons. The Archbishop prays the Confiteor and receives the absolution as normal at Mass. The assisting ministers do the same. The Archbishop ascends the altar and kisses it. A corporal is prepared on the altar and the subdeacon puts water and wine into the chalice while the Archbishop says nothing. The Archbishop washes his hands, again saying nothing. A deacon, accompanied by two torchbearers and the thurifer, brings the Blessed Sacrament to the altar, Which is then incensed by the celebrant. While all kneel the Archbishop is to rise, approach the Sacrament with reverence, meditate on the Passion of Christ for a moment in silence, then place the Eucharist on the corporal, uncovers the chalice, and says Per Ipsum et cum Ipso et in Ipso, est tibi Deo Patri omnipotenti in unitate Spiritus Sancti, omnis honor et gloria concluding aloud with the usual per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen. He then sings the Pater Noster as usual, then the Libera nos, doing all the normal Mass-things with the paten, fracturing the Host, placing a particle in the chalice, and saying the Communion prayer Perceptio. The rest follows as in the Roman Mass of the Pre-Sanctified. The ministers return to the sacristy as the choir sings Vespers in a monotone.


Part IV: Holy Saturday

Holy Saturday begins with the little hours sung in choir. Unlit candles are on the altar. After the hours the lord Archbishop, at an unspecified location, strikes a flint to ignite a new fire over a small candle, a fire which he blesses with three collects, the first two exactly the same as in the old Roman rite and the third an elaboration of the third Roman collect. Similarly, the prayer to bless the five grains of incense is an elaboration of the relatively straight forward Roman oration. The Archbishop sprinkles the fire  and incense with lustral water. The sacred ministers then don white vestments, but do not assume the chasuble, dalmatic, or tunicle. All then sit in choir for the reading of four prophecies and collects (the first exactly from the Roman rite, the second is the Exodus from Egypt followed by a unique collect about liberation from sin, the third is the parting of the Red Sea followed by the collect from the fourth Roman prophecy, and the fourth is from Isaiah 55—also found in the Roman rite—followed by the collect Deus qui ecclesiam tuam also of the Roman rite).

After a tract the Archbishop sings the collect Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, sung in the Roman rite when the celebrant is to bless the baptismal font. Here is it a prelude to a litany. All kneel at the end of the collect and the cantors begin a litany of saints, rising after Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis and continuing to sing. The litany is comprised mainly of early to mid first millennium Roman and Gallican saints. At the end of the litany the foremost deacon dons the dalmatic, takes the book of chants, and proceeds to the pulpit, in front of which is the Paschal candle. He then sings the Exultet while the Archbishop listens with his pastoral staff. The deacon does everything he would do in the un-defiled Roman Holy Week. Of particular interest is that the grains of incense are to be dipped in Holy Chrism prior to their insertion into the Paschal candle. The deacon lights the Paschal candle from the new holy fire using a "triangular" candle, from which the torchbearers light their candles and all the other candles in the cathedral. The candle is to remain lit on Sundays, Double feasts, and Semi-Doubles of Paschaltide as well as during the Pentecost Vigil.

After the blessing of the Paschal candle a new litany is sung and all process to the baptistry. The words and actions are exactly as in the Roman rite except the prayers Infusio and Commixtio are not said. Instead an antiphon is sung as the procession heads to the sacristy. After the antiphon the choir begins the third and final litany of saints. The ministers finally put of the chasubles, dalmatics, tunicles, and copes according to their order, head to the altar, and begin Mass with the prayers at the foot of the altar as usual. The litany functions as the Introit. The synaxis is exactly the same as in the Roman rite except that the celebrant does not introduce the Alleluia, perhaps owing to too many Archbishops not blessed with singing talents.

There is no Offertory verse. The secret is not the Roman one, but it does make a very Eastern reference to those "renewed in Baptism." The preface is of Paschaltide. The adjustment to the Canon are the same as in Rome. The Kiss of Peace is given, but the Agnus Dei is not sung nor is a Communion antiphon. The post-Communion prayer is: "O God, Who through the Paschal mystery did teach to leave the old life and to walk in the new spirit, grant that by this sacrament Your Son may grant us His life, Who took and killed our death." Beautiful!

The dismissal is Ite missa est without the Roman double Alleluia. Rather than pray the last Gospel the lord Archbishop intones Vespers and goes to the sacristy to swap his chasuble for a cope. The Office continues as normal.

Part V: Pascha

"Christ is risen from the dead...." Byzantine? Lyonese too! The Lyonese Mass of the Resurrection begins not with the familiar Roman Resurrexi, but with "Christ is risen from the dead, Alleluia! Death is swallowed in victory, Alleluia! O death where is your victory? O death where is your sting? Alleluia! Alleluia!" This is also the Parisian Introit for Pascha. The Collect and readings are the same as in the Roman rite, but the gradual and sequence are entirely different. I have never heard the sequence set to music, but the text is more holistic than in the Roman rite and less vivid. Towards the end it parallels the deliverance from Egypt and petitions the same for our souls.

The Offertory verse is borrowed from 1 Corinthians 5, as is the Communion verse of the Roman rite. Staying consistent with the Egyptian themes of deliverance, the secret asks for a "leaven of honesty and truth." The Paschal preface is used. The changes to the Canon are the same as yesterday and the same as in the Roman rite. A length antiphon is sung between the first and second invocations of the Agnus Dei, telling people "Taste and eat" the "bread which is come down from heaven." The Communion antiphon comes from psalm 117. The post-Communion is the same as that stunning prayer from yesterday. The dismissal is Ite missa est and the Johannine prologue is said in the recession as normal.

Conclusion

I am open to correction, but I have yet to find a tinge of Jansenism, supposition of the state of the soul, an exclusive view of Christ's sacrifice, or an undermining of free will. Rather I find a dynamic liturgy with many heartfelt prayers, some very odd texts, a very Catholic understand of time and space, a very Byzantine view of the Resurrection, and a very strong Catholic culture.

Friday, March 14, 2014

The Lyonese Missal Part I: Ordinary of Mass & Prefaces

Archbishop Angelo Roncalli celebrates Mass in the Lyonese rite. As Papal nuncio,
much like Msgr Lefebvre as Apostolic delegate, he had certain privileges normally
reserved to cardinals, such as permission to pontificate from the throne outside of Rome.
In the second of two phases in our brief study of the alleged influences of Jansenism in the local rites of France we will examine the Missal used in 1846 by the France's primatial see, the venerable Church of Lyons. The date of the Missal, a century prior to its suppression by the cruel and heartless liturgical reformers of the 20th century, should be allow for any Jansenistic influences to shine from the pages, as Jansenism would have been thriving for two centuries and Dom Prosper Gueranger had only begun to demonstrate the defects of non-Roman liturgical rites.

As a quick refresher on Jansenism let us surmise that this heresy over-emphasizes human depravity after the ancestral sin of Adam, so alienating his nature that he could not even decide to accept God's grace, and that God's grace, when offered, cannot be resisted. It is a Calvinistic reading of St. Augustine of Hippo, a Church Father very popular in France during the Counter-Reformation.

Part I: Rubrics

The rubrics of the Missale Lugdunensis are far simpler than the loquacious rules surrounding the Missal of Paris. The rules themselves are very similar to those of the Roman rite, stating such obvious things like that the Mass of the day must correspond to the Divine Office of the day. The local ordinary had to give permission for votive Masses to be celebrated on Sundays, as is common during devotional events such as Forty Hours.

There are four gradations of feasts:
  • Ferial
  • Simple
  • Semi-Double
  • Double
All correspond in meaning to the Roman rite, but Semi-Double and Double differ in that they do not come in classes as in the classical Roman rite. The Palm Sunday in the Roman rite is a Semi-Double, but of such a rank that no feast could supersede it. Similarly, in the Roman rite a Double feast supersedes a Sunday Semi-Double and a Double I Class exceeds a regular Double or a Greater Double or a Double II Class. For example if one's parish was named for Ss. Fabian & Sebastian, the octave day would compete with and replace the feast of St. John Chrysostom, and both would replace the Sunday de tempore. The Lyonese rite has fewer distinctions, calling Doubles and Semi-Doubles "greater" and "lesser." Uniquely, Sundays are always of Double rank. Octaves, although un-ordered as in the Roman rite, are understood to be different from each other; the octaves of Pascha and Pentecost admit no feasts or votive Masses. The Mass of Sunday must be resumed on ferial days and, as in is common in French liturgies, readings for Wednesday and Friday are provided that are similar to those of the Sunday and clearly related to the rest of the Mass.

Votive Masses for the Dead may be celebrated for funerals and on anniversaries, but not as ad libitum replacements for the Mass of the day. Solemn votive Masses for the Dead may omit Dies irae—likely as a time saver—but private Masses must use it as well as commemorations for benefactors and all deceased.

On Solemnities (ex. Pascha, Ascension, Nativity) there are never commemorations of any feasts. Greater Doubles admit commemorations of Sundays, Octaves, other Doubles, Semi-Doubles, and superseded privileged feriae. For lesser feasts and Sundays the commemorations mirror the Roman praxis. Also, like the old Roman rite, should multiple Masses be sung in the same church over the course of a day with numerous possible Masses, all Masses are celebrated without commemorations. For instance the Vigil of the Ascension always overlaps with Rogation Wednesday. In a cathedral, collegiate church, or monastery both the Vigil and Rogation Mass are sung and with only the prescribed orations. General Rubrics II.91 demands that the prayer for the King is always sung under the same ending as any votive prayers or commemorations of the day, or under the normal oration, after Communion.

At Pontifical Mass the bishop gives the pontifical blessing in place of Pax Domini sit semper vobiscum, again as per the medieval French usage. In this case the celebrating bishop gives no blessing after praying the Placeat at the end of Mass, nor does he go to the Gospel corner and begin the prologue of St. John, but rather he recites it without introduction on his way back to the sacristy. Indeed, if the Mass be sung the Last Gospel is almost always recited without introduction as the celebrant returns to the sacristy. The exception is when the Last Gospel is proper to the day (ex. Trinity Sunday requires the Gospel for the first Sunday after Pentecost to be read at the end), in which case it is said at the altar with an introduction.

Mass is celebrated after Terce on Sundays and feasts, but after None on penitential days. Votive Masses for the Dead come after Prime and private Masses after Lauds.

The vestments for the ministers of Mass are the same as in the Roman rite and, unlike the Parisian use, do not indicate anti-Romanism. The Parisian use always utilizes dalmatics for the deacons, whereas Rome and Lyon use the folded chasuble during penitential times. There is mention of the ministers wearing collars around their necks as in the picture to the right. At pontifical Mass there are seven subdeacons (one of whom carries the two-bar archepiscopal crucifix), seven deacons (the senior most carries the pastoral staff), six "concelebrating" priests (implying that the bishop is the perfection of the priesthood and hence the seventh), two senior priests in copes who carry the gremial in front of the celebrant (a large blanket likely used for warmth once upon a time), any number of cantors in copes, and chaplains to manage the Missal, the candle, the mitres, and the maniple. Seven acolytes carry large candles—once affixed to an enormous balustrade in front of the altar—reminiscent of the the seven stars in the heavenly liturgy described in chapter 1 of St. John's Apocalypse (the Ordo Romanus Primus mentions the same practice in the first millennium Roman rite).

The colors used are more similar to the Roman rite than to Sarum, Paris, or any other medieval use. White is used for most all feasts. Red for martyrs, feasts and Masses of the Holy Spirit, for St John at the Latin Gate (white in Rome), the Mass of the Lord's Supper (again white in Rome), and for Masses per annum, including the Vigil of the Nativity. Green only appears for feasts of the translation of the relics of St. Just, of priests, abbots, and monks; oddly, it is also used for the fourth Sunday of Lent; white may substitute for green on any day. "Ash" colored vestments are utilized from Ash Wednesday until the Mass of the Lord's Supper exclusive. Where Ash is not available violet is used. And black comes out of the sacristy for Masses of the Dead and Good Friday. A parish could survive on only three or four sets of vestments.

The altar is vested according to the color of day. Upon it is a crucifix with six candles on Doubles, four on Semi-Doubles, and two on all other days as well as for private Masses. In the primatial cathedral on each side of the altar is an additional crucifix commemorating the attempted "Graecorum schismatis extinctum" that took place in that building in 1274 (see image below). In a nod to good taste, absolutely nothing not pertinent to the sacrifice of the Mass is permitted on the altar.


Three sets of notes and rules are given for celebration of Mass in the rite of Lyons: private Mass, solemn Mass, and Pontifical Mass. In examining the Ordo Missae we will consider only the norm, Pontifical Mass.

Part II: Ordo Missae

The cantor and precentor, wearing copes, receive the Lord Archbishop at the door of the cathedral and provide him with lustral water to sprinkle as he is making a formal episcopal visit. He proceeds with his assistants to the sacristy of St Stephen. The throne, behind the altar, is decorated for Mass and the Archbishop reads the vesting prayers in the sacristy. During this time the choir sings the hour of Terce.

Vested, the Archbishop leaves the sacristy with his ministers and approaches the altar. The precentor intones the Introit, which the choir continue it. The acolytes with their seven candles stand on either side of the Archbishop while he and his ministers line up parallel to the altar and pray the preparatory prayers, which differ from the Roman ones. There is no Iudica me psalm and there are more versicle prayers, including Confetimini Domino familiar to the Dominican rite. The Confiteor is the same. At the absolution he puts on his maniple and "kisses the text," likely meaning the Missal held by the chaplain. After the Aufer a nobis the celebrating archbishop continues to his throne. He does not kiss and incense the altar, upon which rests the book of Gospels, as in the Roman rite. 

Sitting at the throne between his two assistants, mitred and covered with the gremial, he reads the Introit and recites the Kyrie in alternation with them. He then rises un-mitred and intones the Gloria. Near the end of the Gloria the senior most subdeacon kisses the Archbishop's ring, takes the lectionary, and goes to the place where the epistle is sung. The Archbishop greets the congregation Pax vobis and sings the collect[s] of the day as in the Roman rite. Then everyone sits. The subdeacon reads the epistle sitting while a young subdeacon holds the lectionary for him. After the epistle the subdeacon returns to the Archbishop for a blessing while the choir sings the Gradual. During the Gradual five of the acolytes take up their candles and stand on either side of the altar, leaving two in front of it, again similar to the Norman liturgical rites.

At this point the acolytes take their candles and escort the senior subdeacon (carrying the chalice), the senior deacon (carrying a vial of wine), the sacristan, and a canon of the cathedral (carrying the burse) to the Lady Chapel on the epistle side. The canon opens the burse, spreads the corporal, and places the sacred vessels upon it. He prays one of the offertory orations over the host Dixit Iesus discipulis suis: ego sum panis vivus etc. Someone tastes the wine and if it is proper the deacon pours it into the chalice saying De latere Domini...., and rebuilds the assembly. He then gives it to the subdeacon and all return to the sanctuary. The subdeacon replaces the chalice with wine upon the altar of St. Speratus, which is behind the main altar and doubles as a credence table.


The deacon then asks the lord Archbishop for a blessing and receives it: "Corroboret Dominus sensum tuum et labia tua, ut recte pronunties nobis eloquia sua secundum Evangelium, et pax tecum sit, in nomine Patris...." The celebrant blesses incense and the deacon takes the Gospel book from the altar, kissing both and praying "Pax Christi, quam nobis per Evangelium suum tradidit, conservet et confirmet corda et corpora nostra in vitam aeternam. Amen." A processional cross precedes the Gospel book and is incensed by the deacon. The tone for both the epistle and Gospel are the same. While the music tones for Paris and Sarum differed from the Roman ones, they were still pleasant. I find the Lyonese tones remarkably banal.

After the Credo the Archbishop begins the Offertory much as in the Roman rite. At the altar the Archbishop offers the host and chalice with Quid retribuam Domino and then blesses both. He places the host directly on the corporal in front of the chalice and puts the paten to the side. The clergy gather around the altar according to dignity and the celebrant incenses the gifts and altar reciting the first verse of psalm 140. He then washes his hands saying the first verse of psalm 25, returns to the center of the altar, again prays over the oblation, says the Suscipe Sancta Trinitas and then turns to the people saying "Orate pro me fratres...." Then follows the secret[s] and preface.

The anaphora is the Roman Canon. In a twist the Libera nos after the Pater noster is sung aloud. The  deacon turns to the people and tells those gathered to bow their heads. The Archbishop receives the mitre and crook, turns to those gathered, the clergy kneel before the altar, and he blesses all present: "Et pax + eius sit + semper + vobiscum. Et cum spiritu tuo." He then continues Mass as normal. During the Agnus Dei the communicating priests, deacons, and subdeacons approach the altar through the doors on either side of the railing [once] surrounding the altar. After the first communion prayer the celebrant begins the kiss of peace.

The Missal, like Paris and unlike the Roman rite, contains instructions for the administration of Holy Communion during Mass, a severe blow to the accusations of Jansenism, a philosophy that discourages frequent Communion and would not likely approve of providing for lay communication at every Mass. All kneel and recite the Confiteor. The Archbishop gives the absolution prayers and Communion is given as in the Roman rite. Communicants kiss the Archbishop's ring before reception.

The ablutions are done in the normal way. After the post-Communion comes the dismissal: Ite, missa est on days when the Gloria is sung, Requiescat in pace for Requiem Masses, and Benedicamus Domino on all other days. The celebrant prays the Placeat and, should the Last Gospel be normal, he and the rest of the clergy process to the sacristy, Mass concluded.

Part III: Prefaces

The prefaces are again more or less those of the Roman rite, but with a few exceptions. There is the preface of Advent, popped into the Roman rite by Pope John XXIII in 1962. There is a unique preface for the Presentation and Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, which vividly says that Our Lord is now offering Himself as a victim after so many victims were previously offered, and that the new mystery is now unfolding. There is a preface for the Mass of the Lord's Supper which is quite succinct and reflects the traditional theology of the Cross as a place of victory. There is a short preface of the Incarnation and Annunciation which differs from that of the Nativity and the content of which is rather unspectacular. There is the preface of the Blessed Sacrament, also in the 1962 Missal and also rather dullish in content. There is a unique local preface for Ss. Pothin and Irenaeus, ancient bishops of the Lyonese see. There is a very nice preface for the Nativity of St. John the Baptist which recounts his life and his distinction among the prophets. The Missal also contains the more recent preface for the dedication of churches.

There is an interesting preface of "the Saints" to be used on All Saints, for titular saints, and a few other days. It says that we rely on the "Communion of the consort" of saints and their intercessions and asks that we may join in their "unfading crown of glory."

A vivid preface for nuptial Masses teaches that an end of marriage is "the growth of the Church" (don't tell Cardinal Kasper!). 

Lastly, there is a preface for the Dead.

Conclusion

The sheer grandeur of this rite already causes one to doubt Gueranger's accusations of Jansenism, an ideology that alleges the irresponsibility of grace and the deep depravity of mankind. In such an ideology those with grace are certainly different from those without it, suggesting an exclusivity in the aesthetic of the movement not in conformity with the clear communitarianism of a rite like this. Some of the prefaces are dramatic in their language, but do not fall into the realm of Jansenism. The only defect thus far is the insipid tone for the readings.